New York Times
Real Life at the World Cup.(Editorial Desk)(2014 Soccer World Cup in Brazil)(Editorial)(Brief article)The New York Times, Dec 27, 2013. Reading Level (Lexile):1450
World Cup soccer will offer football fanatics thronging Brazil in June all manner of innovations, including the sport's new ''vanishing spray.'' This is a foam, akin to shaving cream, that referees can spray on the turf to delineate penalty-kick zones and discourage infringement by sly defenders.
Far more impressive, however, is the marketing initiative of residents of the nation's favelas, or slums, who are renting cheap sleeping space in their jammed warrens to bargain-hunting tourists. The goal is to profit from a glaring hotel shortage that could see up to 300,000 visitors vying for the 55,400 beds available in Rio de Janeiro for the monthlong competition. With hotel rates doubling to an average $460 a night for the event, favela accommodations are already going for $50 a night, with barred windows and the nearby reek of ghetto sewage included. Homicide rates are high in some favelas, but others have been depicted chicly in photo shoots, highlighting their dark grit. ''We can provide a level of human warmth and authenticity'' unavailable at pricey hotels, one favela hostess noted.
As usual with spirited mass soccer events, numerous warnings about cost overruns, civil protest, corrupt officials and violent fans are making early headlines. Soccer violence caused 30 deaths this year in Brazil. Videos of fans in So Paulo clubbing supporters of rival teams have prompted government and World Cup officials to schedule tightly policed elimination rounds in a dozen arenas to try to ensure that this will not happen. Tourists and locals alike deserve a rich mix of World Cup sportsmanship and Brazilian life. Sure, the top hotels will be humming alluringly. But the more adventurous visitors may be drawn to the advice of a San Franciscan recently bunking for $11 a night in a favela: ''I wanted to learn more about the heart of Brazil, rather than the facade.''
Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2013 The New York Times Company
Source Citation "Real Life at the World Cup." New York Times 27 Dec. 2013. Global Issues In Context. Web. 12 Jan. 2014.Document URL
http://find.galegroup.com/gic/infomark.do?&source=gale&idigest=4de9d861e249b986c13d154ddd2efcbf&prodId=GIC&userGroupName=lom_inac&tabID=T006&docId=A354048629&&contentSet=IAC-Documents&version=1.0Gale Document Number: A354048629
World Cup soccer will offer football fanatics thronging Brazil in June all manner of innovations, including the sport's new ''vanishing spray.'' This is a foam, akin to shaving cream, that referees can spray on the turf to delineate penalty-kick zones and discourage infringement by sly defenders.
Far more impressive, however, is the marketing initiative of residents of the nation's favelas, or slums, who are renting cheap sleeping space in their jammed warrens to bargain-hunting tourists. The goal is to profit from a glaring hotel shortage that could see up to 300,000 visitors vying for the 55,400 beds available in Rio de Janeiro for the monthlong competition. With hotel rates doubling to an average $460 a night for the event, favela accommodations are already going for $50 a night, with barred windows and the nearby reek of ghetto sewage included. Homicide rates are high in some favelas, but others have been depicted chicly in photo shoots, highlighting their dark grit. ''We can provide a level of human warmth and authenticity'' unavailable at pricey hotels, one favela hostess noted.
As usual with spirited mass soccer events, numerous warnings about cost overruns, civil protest, corrupt officials and violent fans are making early headlines. Soccer violence caused 30 deaths this year in Brazil. Videos of fans in So Paulo clubbing supporters of rival teams have prompted government and World Cup officials to schedule tightly policed elimination rounds in a dozen arenas to try to ensure that this will not happen. Tourists and locals alike deserve a rich mix of World Cup sportsmanship and Brazilian life. Sure, the top hotels will be humming alluringly. But the more adventurous visitors may be drawn to the advice of a San Franciscan recently bunking for $11 a night in a favela: ''I wanted to learn more about the heart of Brazil, rather than the facade.''
Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2013 The New York Times Company
Source Citation "Real Life at the World Cup." New York Times 27 Dec. 2013. Global Issues In Context. Web. 12 Jan. 2014.Document URL
http://find.galegroup.com/gic/infomark.do?&source=gale&idigest=4de9d861e249b986c13d154ddd2efcbf&prodId=GIC&userGroupName=lom_inac&tabID=T006&docId=A354048629&&contentSet=IAC-Documents&version=1.0Gale Document Number: A354048629
Summary
Here, when it states that 300,000 visitors are vying for 55,400 beds available in Rio de Janeiro, one can see that there is a shortage, when demand is greater than supply. Because of this prices go above the price equilibrium, as it said that hotels are doubling their rates all the way to $460 a night while the favelas, which are the slums of Brazil most iconic for being on the hills outside downtown Rio de Janeiro, have charged $50.
Synthesis/Regeneration
BRICS lessons from Mozambique.(Column)Bobby Peek. Synthesis/Regeneration, Jan 1, 2014. Reading Level (Lexile):1450
Just across the border in Mozambique there is neo-colonial exploitation underway. It is not Europe or the United States that is dominating, but rather countries which are often looked up to as challengers, such as Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS). This is a dangerous statement to make but let us consider the facts.
South Africa is extracting 415 megawatts of electricity from Mozambique through the Portuguese developed Cahora Bassa Dam, which has altered permanently the flow of the Zambezi River, resulting in severe flooding on a more frequent basis over the last years. In the recent floods earlier this year it is reported that a woman gave birth on the rooftop of a clinic; this follows a similar incident in 2000, when Rosita Pedro was horn in a tree after severe flooding that year
South Africa's failing energy utility Eskom is implicated in the further damming of the Zambezi, for it is likely to make a commitment to buy power from the proposed Mpanda Nkua dam just downstream of Cahora Bassa. Most of the cheap energy generated by that dam is fed into a former South African firm, BHP Billiton, at the world's lowest price--but jobs are few and profits are repatriated to the new corporate headquarters in Melbourne, Australia.
After years of extracting onshore gas from near Vilanculos, the South African apartheid-created oil company South Africa Synthetic Oil Liquid (SASOL) is planning to exploit what are some of Africa's largest offshore gas fields, situated off Mozambique, in order to serve South Africa's own export-led growth. strategy.
Brazil is also in Mozambique. Sharing 'a common language as a result of colonial subjugation by the Portuguese, Brazilians can do business easily in Mozambique. The result is that the Brazilian company Vale, which is the world's second largest metals and mining company and one of the largest producers of raw materials globally, has a foothold in the Tete province of Mozambique between Zimbabwe and Malawi. They are so sensitive about their operations there that an activist challenging Vale from Mozambique was denied entrance to Brazil in 2012 to participate in the Rio+20 gathering. He was flown back to Mozambique, and only after a global outcry, led by Friends of the Earth International, was he allowed to return for the gathering.
India also has an interest in Mozambique. The India-based Jindal group, which comprises both mining and smelting, set their eyes on Mozambican coal in Moatize, as well as having advanced plans for a coal-fired power station in Mozambique, again to create supply for the demanding elite-driven economy of South Africa.
Russia also plays an interesting role in Mozambique. While not much is known about the Russian state and corporate involvement, following the break when the Soviet Union collapsed, there is a link with Russia's Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation which has non-ferrous metal operations in Mozambique. Interestingly, the Russian government has invested R1.3 billion in Mozambique to facilitate skills development to actively exploit hydrocarbons and other natural resources, according to Russian Foreign minister Sergei Lav-rov.
So this tells a tale of one country, in which tens of billions of rands of investment by BRICS countries and companies in extracting minerals results in the extraction of wealth. Mozambique will join the Resource-Cursed societies of our region, with polluted local environments and a changed structure of peoples' lives, making them dependent on foreign decisions rather than their own local and national political power. This is not a random set of exploitations, but rather a well-orchestrated strategy to shift the elite development agenda away from Europe, the US and Japan, to what we now term the BRICS.
This positioning means that the BRICS' drive for economic superiority is pursued in the name of poverty alleviation. No matter how one terms the process--imperialist, sub-imperialist, postcolonial, or whatever--the reality is that these countries are challenging the power relations in the world, but sadly the model chosen to challenge this power is no different from the model that has resuited in mass poverty and elite wealth globally.
This is the model of extraction and intensely capital-intensive development based upon burning and exploiting carbon, and of elite accumulation through structural adjustment also termed the Washington Consensus. The agenda of setting up the BRICS Bank is a case in point: it is opaque and not open to public scrutiny. Except for the reality as presented above, these countries are coming together with their corporate powers to decide who gets what where in the hinterland of Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Caucasus.
By 2050, BRICS countries could be in the top 10 economies of the world, aside from South Africa. So the question has to be asked, why is South Africa in the BRICS? Simply put, the reality is that South Africa is seen as a gateway for corporations into Africa, be they energy or financial corporations. This is because of South Africa's vast footprint on the continent.
Remember Thabo Mbeki's peace missions? Well, they were not all about peace; they were about getting South African companies established in areas of unrest so that when peace happens they are there first to exploit the resources in these countries. This could potentially be a negative role if South Africa is only used as a gateway to facilitate resource extraction and exploitation of Africa by BRIC countries, as it is now by the West. The question has to be asked by South Africans, why do we allow this? I do not have the answer.
Returning to poverty alleviation, the reality is that in the BRICS countries we have the highest gap between those who earn the most and the poor, and this gap is growing. Calling the bluff of poverty alleviation is critical. How to unpack this opaque agenda of the BRICS governments is a challenge. For while their talk is about poverty alleviation the reality is something else.
We recognize that what the BRICS are doing is nothing more than what the North has been doing to the South, but as we resist these practices from the North, we must be bold enough to resist these practices from our fellow countries in the South.
Thus critically, the challenge going forward for society is to understand the BRICS, and given how much is at stake, critical civil society must scrutinize the claims of the BRICS and build a strong criticism that demands equality and not new forms of exploitation.
Bobby Peek is director of the NGO Groundwork.
Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2014 WD Press
Source Citation Peek, Bobby. "BRICS lessons from Mozambique." Synthesis/Regeneration Wntr 2014: 47+. Global Issues In Context. Web. 12 Jan. 2014.Document URL
http://find.galegroup.com/gic/infomark.do?&source=gale&idigest=4de9d861e249b986c13d154ddd2efcbf&prodId=GIC&userGroupName=lom_inac&tabID=T006&docId=A352376340&&contentSet=IAC-Documents&version=1.0Gale Document Number: A352376340
Just across the border in Mozambique there is neo-colonial exploitation underway. It is not Europe or the United States that is dominating, but rather countries which are often looked up to as challengers, such as Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS). This is a dangerous statement to make but let us consider the facts.
South Africa is extracting 415 megawatts of electricity from Mozambique through the Portuguese developed Cahora Bassa Dam, which has altered permanently the flow of the Zambezi River, resulting in severe flooding on a more frequent basis over the last years. In the recent floods earlier this year it is reported that a woman gave birth on the rooftop of a clinic; this follows a similar incident in 2000, when Rosita Pedro was horn in a tree after severe flooding that year
South Africa's failing energy utility Eskom is implicated in the further damming of the Zambezi, for it is likely to make a commitment to buy power from the proposed Mpanda Nkua dam just downstream of Cahora Bassa. Most of the cheap energy generated by that dam is fed into a former South African firm, BHP Billiton, at the world's lowest price--but jobs are few and profits are repatriated to the new corporate headquarters in Melbourne, Australia.
After years of extracting onshore gas from near Vilanculos, the South African apartheid-created oil company South Africa Synthetic Oil Liquid (SASOL) is planning to exploit what are some of Africa's largest offshore gas fields, situated off Mozambique, in order to serve South Africa's own export-led growth. strategy.
Brazil is also in Mozambique. Sharing 'a common language as a result of colonial subjugation by the Portuguese, Brazilians can do business easily in Mozambique. The result is that the Brazilian company Vale, which is the world's second largest metals and mining company and one of the largest producers of raw materials globally, has a foothold in the Tete province of Mozambique between Zimbabwe and Malawi. They are so sensitive about their operations there that an activist challenging Vale from Mozambique was denied entrance to Brazil in 2012 to participate in the Rio+20 gathering. He was flown back to Mozambique, and only after a global outcry, led by Friends of the Earth International, was he allowed to return for the gathering.
India also has an interest in Mozambique. The India-based Jindal group, which comprises both mining and smelting, set their eyes on Mozambican coal in Moatize, as well as having advanced plans for a coal-fired power station in Mozambique, again to create supply for the demanding elite-driven economy of South Africa.
Russia also plays an interesting role in Mozambique. While not much is known about the Russian state and corporate involvement, following the break when the Soviet Union collapsed, there is a link with Russia's Eurasian Natural Resources Corporation which has non-ferrous metal operations in Mozambique. Interestingly, the Russian government has invested R1.3 billion in Mozambique to facilitate skills development to actively exploit hydrocarbons and other natural resources, according to Russian Foreign minister Sergei Lav-rov.
So this tells a tale of one country, in which tens of billions of rands of investment by BRICS countries and companies in extracting minerals results in the extraction of wealth. Mozambique will join the Resource-Cursed societies of our region, with polluted local environments and a changed structure of peoples' lives, making them dependent on foreign decisions rather than their own local and national political power. This is not a random set of exploitations, but rather a well-orchestrated strategy to shift the elite development agenda away from Europe, the US and Japan, to what we now term the BRICS.
This positioning means that the BRICS' drive for economic superiority is pursued in the name of poverty alleviation. No matter how one terms the process--imperialist, sub-imperialist, postcolonial, or whatever--the reality is that these countries are challenging the power relations in the world, but sadly the model chosen to challenge this power is no different from the model that has resuited in mass poverty and elite wealth globally.
This is the model of extraction and intensely capital-intensive development based upon burning and exploiting carbon, and of elite accumulation through structural adjustment also termed the Washington Consensus. The agenda of setting up the BRICS Bank is a case in point: it is opaque and not open to public scrutiny. Except for the reality as presented above, these countries are coming together with their corporate powers to decide who gets what where in the hinterland of Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Caucasus.
By 2050, BRICS countries could be in the top 10 economies of the world, aside from South Africa. So the question has to be asked, why is South Africa in the BRICS? Simply put, the reality is that South Africa is seen as a gateway for corporations into Africa, be they energy or financial corporations. This is because of South Africa's vast footprint on the continent.
Remember Thabo Mbeki's peace missions? Well, they were not all about peace; they were about getting South African companies established in areas of unrest so that when peace happens they are there first to exploit the resources in these countries. This could potentially be a negative role if South Africa is only used as a gateway to facilitate resource extraction and exploitation of Africa by BRIC countries, as it is now by the West. The question has to be asked by South Africans, why do we allow this? I do not have the answer.
Returning to poverty alleviation, the reality is that in the BRICS countries we have the highest gap between those who earn the most and the poor, and this gap is growing. Calling the bluff of poverty alleviation is critical. How to unpack this opaque agenda of the BRICS governments is a challenge. For while their talk is about poverty alleviation the reality is something else.
We recognize that what the BRICS are doing is nothing more than what the North has been doing to the South, but as we resist these practices from the North, we must be bold enough to resist these practices from our fellow countries in the South.
Thus critically, the challenge going forward for society is to understand the BRICS, and given how much is at stake, critical civil society must scrutinize the claims of the BRICS and build a strong criticism that demands equality and not new forms of exploitation.
Bobby Peek is director of the NGO Groundwork.
Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2014 WD Press
Source Citation Peek, Bobby. "BRICS lessons from Mozambique." Synthesis/Regeneration Wntr 2014: 47+. Global Issues In Context. Web. 12 Jan. 2014.Document URL
http://find.galegroup.com/gic/infomark.do?&source=gale&idigest=4de9d861e249b986c13d154ddd2efcbf&prodId=GIC&userGroupName=lom_inac&tabID=T006&docId=A352376340&&contentSet=IAC-Documents&version=1.0Gale Document Number: A352376340
Summary
Basically, BRICS is Brazil Russia India China South Africa, a sort of Third World Empire, as all of these nations but Russia have been under imperialistic powers at some point or another. One feature that these nations share is income inequality, which means that the nations aren't focused on equal income as an economic goal, just as is the same in the US. We also see some of Brazil's foreign aid by going into Mozambique with Vale, the large company, and performing operations in west Mozambique, specifically Tete. While they have been secretive this imperialistic movement is still aiding the African nation and most certainly brings Brazil closer to becoming a world power as it does for Russia, India, China and even South Africa.
New York Times
RIO DE JANEIRO -- When I visited China in June, my trip happened to coincide with the discovery that Edward Snowden was hiding out in Hong Kong. By then, Snowden's revelations about the voracious data-collection operation by the National Security Agency was front-page news all over the world. Snowden hadn't yet been charged for the leak of tens of thousands of pages of classified N.S.A. documents, but it was clear that it was coming. So it was only natural to ask -- as many journalists did -- would Hong Kong give Snowden asylum if he requested it?
Now I'm in Brazil, where I've spent the last few weeks, and wouldn't you know it? A question very much in the air here is whether Brazil would grant Snowden asylum once his temporary stay in Russia comes to an end. In recent weeks, Snowden had twice expressed publicly his desire to gain asylum to Brazil, once in an open letter published in a newspaper in So Paulo -- in which he said he would cooperate with Brazilian authorities investigating the N.S.A. once he was safely inside the country -- and then, somewhat more cautiously, in a television interview.
With the possible exception of Germany, there isn't another nation as publicly irate over the eavesdropping on its citizens and its government as Brazil. Upon learning that the N.S.A. had spied on her personal communications, Brazil's president, Dilma Rousseff, canceled a state visit. Then, during a speech to the United Nations, she excoriated the United States, even as President Obama stood in the wings. Along with Germany, Brazil has rekindled a long-stalled effort to create a new structure for Internet governance, one that would be less dependent on American companies and American networks. Virglio Fernandes Almeida, a government official who is chairman of the country's Internet Steering Committee, told me that there is no question that the Snowden revelations helped jump-start the effort.
Indeed, two weeks ago, a $4 billion contract for a fighter jet, in which Boeing was said to be the front-runner, went to a unit of Saab instead. Although Saab was the lowest-cost bidder, ''The N.S.A. problem ruined it for the Americans,'' a Brazilian government source told Reuters.
''Brazil was one of the most targeted countries,'' said Glenn Greenwald, the journalist who is based here and is closest to Snowden. ''It was more than even Russia or China.''
What is also true is that Greenwald, who has published dozens of stories in The Guardian based on the documents Snowden supplied, did his best to stoke Brazil's rage. After every print revelation -- O Globo, a large Brazilian daily, was his vehicle of choice -- he would appear on a popular show similar to ''60 Minutes'' to talk up his latest bombshell. ''Snowden became almost a household name after that,'' said Maurcio Santoro, a Rio-based human rights advocate for Amnesty International.
And then Greenwald found the document about the surveillance on Dilma's phone calls, text messages and emails, and all hell broke loose. ''It wasn't a supertechnical document,'' Greenwald told me. ''It was written for an idiot. It was like, 'Great news. We have had great success eavesdropping on Dilma.' ''
Perhaps just as infuriating to the Brazilian elites was the discovery that the N.S.A., along with Britain's secret spy agency, GCHQ, had apparently succeeded in penetrating the private computer network of Petrobas, a giant state-owned oil company and a source of national pride.
''Why did they have to do this to us?'' asked Santoro, posing the question many Brazilians still want answered. ''Of course we have our disagreements with the U.S., but we are not enemies. What has also been maddening has been the lack of a clear explanation from the Obama administration,'' he added.
Yet for all that, Santoro doesn't think that Brazil will give Snowden asylum. So far, the government has been coy, saying that because Snowden has not applied for asylum through the proper channels, there is nothing to talk about. The way it was explained to me, though, Brazil prefers to use what it likes to call ''soft power'' on the world stage -- global consensus building, that sort of thing. Helping to create an Internet governance system fits nicely in that model. Giving Snowden asylum does not.
Meanwhile, the American government shows no signs of softening its stance of trying Snowden for espionage if it gets its hands on him. It's worth remembering that another important whistle-blower, Daniel Ellsberg, was eventually put on trial for leaking the Pentagon Papers. The case was thrown out of court largely because of government misconduct, starting with the break-in of the office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
At least as it concerns the N.S.A., government misconduct is now official policy. We know that thanks to Snowden. He needs a place to live. Why not you, Brazil?
Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2014 The New York Times Company
Source Citation Nocera, Joe. "Brazil is abuzz about Snowden." New York Times 4 Jan. 2014: A19(L). Global Issues In Context. Web. 12 Jan. 2014.Document URL
http://find.galegroup.com/gic/infomark.do?&source=gale&idigest=4de9d861e249b986c13d154ddd2efcbf&prodId=GIC&userGroupName=lom_inac&tabID=T006&docId=A354631799&&contentSet=IAC-Documents&version=1.0
Now I'm in Brazil, where I've spent the last few weeks, and wouldn't you know it? A question very much in the air here is whether Brazil would grant Snowden asylum once his temporary stay in Russia comes to an end. In recent weeks, Snowden had twice expressed publicly his desire to gain asylum to Brazil, once in an open letter published in a newspaper in So Paulo -- in which he said he would cooperate with Brazilian authorities investigating the N.S.A. once he was safely inside the country -- and then, somewhat more cautiously, in a television interview.
With the possible exception of Germany, there isn't another nation as publicly irate over the eavesdropping on its citizens and its government as Brazil. Upon learning that the N.S.A. had spied on her personal communications, Brazil's president, Dilma Rousseff, canceled a state visit. Then, during a speech to the United Nations, she excoriated the United States, even as President Obama stood in the wings. Along with Germany, Brazil has rekindled a long-stalled effort to create a new structure for Internet governance, one that would be less dependent on American companies and American networks. Virglio Fernandes Almeida, a government official who is chairman of the country's Internet Steering Committee, told me that there is no question that the Snowden revelations helped jump-start the effort.
Indeed, two weeks ago, a $4 billion contract for a fighter jet, in which Boeing was said to be the front-runner, went to a unit of Saab instead. Although Saab was the lowest-cost bidder, ''The N.S.A. problem ruined it for the Americans,'' a Brazilian government source told Reuters.
''Brazil was one of the most targeted countries,'' said Glenn Greenwald, the journalist who is based here and is closest to Snowden. ''It was more than even Russia or China.''
What is also true is that Greenwald, who has published dozens of stories in The Guardian based on the documents Snowden supplied, did his best to stoke Brazil's rage. After every print revelation -- O Globo, a large Brazilian daily, was his vehicle of choice -- he would appear on a popular show similar to ''60 Minutes'' to talk up his latest bombshell. ''Snowden became almost a household name after that,'' said Maurcio Santoro, a Rio-based human rights advocate for Amnesty International.
And then Greenwald found the document about the surveillance on Dilma's phone calls, text messages and emails, and all hell broke loose. ''It wasn't a supertechnical document,'' Greenwald told me. ''It was written for an idiot. It was like, 'Great news. We have had great success eavesdropping on Dilma.' ''
Perhaps just as infuriating to the Brazilian elites was the discovery that the N.S.A., along with Britain's secret spy agency, GCHQ, had apparently succeeded in penetrating the private computer network of Petrobas, a giant state-owned oil company and a source of national pride.
''Why did they have to do this to us?'' asked Santoro, posing the question many Brazilians still want answered. ''Of course we have our disagreements with the U.S., but we are not enemies. What has also been maddening has been the lack of a clear explanation from the Obama administration,'' he added.
Yet for all that, Santoro doesn't think that Brazil will give Snowden asylum. So far, the government has been coy, saying that because Snowden has not applied for asylum through the proper channels, there is nothing to talk about. The way it was explained to me, though, Brazil prefers to use what it likes to call ''soft power'' on the world stage -- global consensus building, that sort of thing. Helping to create an Internet governance system fits nicely in that model. Giving Snowden asylum does not.
Meanwhile, the American government shows no signs of softening its stance of trying Snowden for espionage if it gets its hands on him. It's worth remembering that another important whistle-blower, Daniel Ellsberg, was eventually put on trial for leaking the Pentagon Papers. The case was thrown out of court largely because of government misconduct, starting with the break-in of the office of Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
At least as it concerns the N.S.A., government misconduct is now official policy. We know that thanks to Snowden. He needs a place to live. Why not you, Brazil?
Full Text: COPYRIGHT 2014 The New York Times Company
Source Citation Nocera, Joe. "Brazil is abuzz about Snowden." New York Times 4 Jan. 2014: A19(L). Global Issues In Context. Web. 12 Jan. 2014.Document URL
http://find.galegroup.com/gic/infomark.do?&source=gale&idigest=4de9d861e249b986c13d154ddd2efcbf&prodId=GIC&userGroupName=lom_inac&tabID=T006&docId=A354631799&&contentSet=IAC-Documents&version=1.0